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h/t: Phil Williams at

Leaked documents obtained by Nashville TV station NewsChannel 5 WVTF reveal communications between the employees of two Tennessee Republicans—Sen. Bob Corker and Gov. Bill Haslam—and a network of prominent anti-union professionals during the United Auto Workers’ union drive at a Volkswagen plant in Chattanooga earlier this year.

Sen. Corker and Gov. Haslam have been blamed by the union for contributing to the drive’s defeat by making public statements against the UAW. Prior to the election, Corker claimed that the plant would add an additional SUV assembly line if workers voted against the union, while Haslam implied that businesses had told him that they might not relocate to Tennessee if workers at Volkswagen voted to join the UAW.

There was no direct evidence, however, that these politicians were coordinating with the various anti-union forces that had gathered in Chattanooga to oppose the drive, although In These Times reported in November 2013 that Washington, D.C.-based anti-union campaigner Matt Patterson had bragged about developing anti-UAW messaging with “politician [sic] and businessmen” in Tennessee. The documents by NewsChannel 5 provide the first direct proof of such coordination. In addition, In These Times magazine has obtained documents and conducted interviews with a top anti-union consultant that shed new light on the origins of the anti-union videos referenced in the communications.

Chain of evidence

The documents released by NewsChannel 5 show that, just before the union election, Sen. Corker’s chief of staff and one of Gov. Haslam’s cabinet members were part of an email chain with both Chattanooga-based and national anti-union consultants about efforts to draw attention to three videos produced to fight the UAW at Volkswagen. The videos feature testimonials from workers at previous UAW plants claiming that the UAW destroyed Detroit and led to the closure of a former Volkswagen auto plant in Westmoreland County, Pa. (Full disclosure: This author’s mother worked at the Westmoreland County Volkswagen plant until it closed, and was a member of UAW.)

In a February 10 email with the subject line “Video views so far today,” Peter List, the CEO of the anti-union labor-relations consultant group Kulture LLC and editor and chief blogger of, boasted of the videos’ web traffic. The email was addressed to, among others, Sen. Corker’s chief of staff, Tony Womack; Maury Nicely, the head of the local Chattanooga anti-union group Southern Momentum; Charleston, S.C.-based anti-union consultant Jim Gray; and former Volkswagen plant manager Don Jackson, whose role in campaigning against the UAW has been previously detailed by In These Times. Also on the chain was Tim Spires, president and CEO of the Chattanooga Regional Manufacturers’ Association, which promoted anti-UAW events, and Ron Harr, president and  CEO of the Chattanooga Area Chamber of Commerce.

The next day, Corker’s Chief of Staff Todd Womack forwarded List’s email to Tennessee economic and community development commissioner Bill Hagerty—a member of Gov. Haslam’s cabinet—and Hagerty’s chief of staff Will Alexander (who is the son of U.S. Sen. Lamar Alexander) with a message saying “If you would, please don’t forward this version, but this is the video I mentioned. Thanks much, Todd.”

Womack did not return request for comment about what level of coordination Senator Corker’s office had with anti-union consultants. Likewise, Peter List refused to answer questions about why he was emailing Senator Corker’s staff, stating in an email to In These Times, “It seems you’ve fallen into the trap that people actually pay attention to what politicians say.”

The other major revelation of the NewsChannel 5 investigation is a document titled “Project Trinity,” dated August 23, 2013 and labeled “confidential,” in which Haslam offered $300 million in incentives to Volkswagen if the company would bring a new SUV line to its Chattanooga plant and add 1,350 jobs. At the time, the UAW and Volkswagen were discussing the process by which the company would recognize the union and how the UAW would interact with a potential German-style works council being at the plant. In the “Project Trinity” document, Haslam’s office informed Volkswagen that the “the incentives … are subject to works council discussions between the State of Tennessee and VW being concluded to the satisfaction of the State of Tennessee.”

In remarks in Chattanooga today, Haslam denied that he was attempting to use the incentives to influence the union vote. However, the emails show that top Haslam staffers conducted an extensive legal analysis of how quickly the union election could occur at Volkswagen once either the union or the employer filed for it. (Unions tend to advocate quick elections, since they believe that delaying organizing drives deflates their momentum.) In a February 4 letter to the Volkswagen Group of America Chattanooga Operations CEO Frank Fisher, Haslam also voiced concerns about union organizers being granted access to the plant.

Who’s behind the videos?

Through an interview with prominent “union avoidance” consultant Jim Gray and a leaked document from an anti-union consulting group, In These Times has learned the source of the videos discussed in the email chain. Gray, who was sent the email, tells In These Times that he played a large role in developing the videos, in conjunction with Southern Momentum, whose head, Maury Nicely, was also on the email chain. Gray says that he helped write the script for the video and “helped point towards” Projections Inc., a prominent anti-union consulting group, as a possible producer.

A document from Projections’ website titled “Case Study: Volkswagen and the UAW” that is available to the site’s “insider members” reads, “On February 3, the call came in to Projections’ Union Proof Team from the Southern Momentum non-profit group. … When Volkswagen asked for a fast vote on February 3, the Union proof Team immediately went to Chattanooga to begin drafting a communications strategy. Scripts were written, testimonials shot, and in plant footage was recorded.”

Projections states that it in a matter of four days, it was able to produce three “highly professional” videos against the UAW and even traveled to Westmoreland County, Pa., to film a former Volkswagen worker who claimed that the UAW forced the plant there to close in 1988.

The videos were then made public at meetings organized by Southern Momentum on February 8 and 9, just a few days before the February 12-14 union election, and uploaded to, a website run by anti-UAW workers at the plant.

The Case Study document quotes Projections CEO Walter Orechwa as saying, “The truth is, regardless of the timeframe, powerful employee communication is always key to remaining union-free.”

The legal ramifications

After the union defeat, the UAW filed a case with the National Labor Relations Board charging that outside political interference by Corker and the state GOP leadership prevented workers from receiving a fair election. On Tuesday, the UAW used the NewsChannel 5 report to file a supplemental brief with the NLRB, alleging that the leaked documents provide even greater evidence that government officials coordinated their efforts to hinder the union drive. “Doubtless there is more evidence of such coordination in addition to this particular leaked email chain, given the tone of familiarity among the email recipients,” wrote the UAW in the brief.

Also, the UAW cited the new connection in the email chain between the anti-union group Southern Momentum and government officials to challenge the NLRB’s decision to grant Southern Momentum “intervenor status” to participate in the NLRB hearings. In an unusual move in March, Southern Momentum petitioned for standing in the case, arguing that it was a group representing anti-union workers involved in the dispute. The NLRB agreed, which will allow Southern Momentum to bring in its own legal team to make arguments. Southern Momentum has deep pockets: Previously, In These Times quoted No 2 UAW anti-union VW worker committee activist Mike Burton as saying “not one of us [workers] raised a penny” of the $100,000 raised by Southern Momentum to fight against the UAW drive. The UAW however, argues that the email chain provides further evidence that Southern Momentum is tied to outside special interests rather than workers and that its intervenor status should be revoked.

According to labor lawyer Moshe Marvit, a fellow at the Century Foundation, the case has far-reaching legal implications, since outside groups with dark money sources are rarely allowed to fight unions in NLRB cases.

However, Marvit notes that “there is an irony to the Board’s granting intervenor status to outside groups” because “the hearing is only necessary because outside groups became involved in the election in an improper way. Now, the Board is affirming that these groups have a legal interest in the proceedings, and is thereby affirming their position as parties.”

The NLRB trial is set for April 21 in Chattanooga, Tenn. While it’s unclear whether the NLRB will be swayed by the new evidence to call for a do-over election at Volkswagen, to one local activist these documents represent something startling.

"When a billionaire governor, a millionaire senator, and the local Chamber of Commerce all unite to kill jobs in reaction to the mere possibility of one union local being organized at one factory in one city in the state of Tennessee, the full extent of the corrupting influence of the business community in our state government becomes clearly visible,” says Chris Brooks, an activist with the pro-UAW community group Chattanooga for Workers.  “What chance do workers have to organize a union when they are pitted against our state’s most powerful politicians who coordinate their attacks in secret with a shadowy corporate cartel composed of everyone from the local Chamber to out-of-state anti-union consultants?"

h/t: Mike Elk at In These Times

I want to see VW Chattanooga unionized. 

h/t: Bryce Cover at Think Progress Economy

(via dailykos)


Friday is the last day of a union-organizing vote at a Volkswagen plant in Chattanooga, Tenn. At stake is whether the German automaker’s sole plant in the U.S. will be represented by the United Auto Workers. But it’s also much more than that: The battle being waged in Chattanooga is being billed as a seminal moment that will either pave the way for more labor unions in the South, or affirm the continuation of a “right to work” region that is UAW-free.

Going into the three-day election, the vote was too close too call among the 1,550 workers.

"A vote for unionization at Volkswagen would be a historic victory — not only for the UAW, but for the entire labor movement," says John Logan at Reuters. “It would provide unions with a key victory in the South, even in the face of a lavishly funded external anti-union campaign, and may lead to transformative changes in labor-management relations, especially among European-owned firms.” Those notably include the BMW plant in South Carolina and the Mercedes-Benz factory in Alabama.

Those “lavishly funded” salvos are coming from conservative groups like Americans for Tax Reform, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), and the National Right to Work Committee. Tennessee Republicans have also gotten involved — and this is where things get dicey.

State Sen. Bo Watson (R) threatened to withdraw the state subsidies that helped bring VW to Tennessee in the first place (along with every other foreign automaker in the South and West). “Should the workers choose to be represented by the United Auto Workers,” he told the Detroit Free Press, “then I believe additional incentives for expansion will have a very tough time passing the Tennessee Senate.” Gov. Bill Haslam (R) made similar, if subtler, statements.

Then, at a news conference on Wednesday — while voting was going on — Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) played the Mexico card, noting that either the Tennessee plant or one in Puebla, Mexico, will be tapped to make a new line of SUVs. “I’ve had conversations today and based on those am assured that should the workers vote against the UAW, Volkswagen will announce in the coming weeks that it will manufacture its new mid-size SUV here in Chattanooga,” Corker said.

VW, which has tried hard to stay neutral on the unionization issue, publicly contradicted Corker. “There is no connection between our Chattanooga employees’ decision about whether to be represented by a union and the decision about where to build a new product for the U.S. market,”said Frank Fischer, chief executive of VW Chattanooga.

Corker shot back that “after all these years and my involvement with Volkswagen, I would not have made the statement I made yesterday without being confident it was true and factual.” Then he threw a personal jab: “Believe me, the decisions regarding the Volkswagen expansion are not being made by anyone in management at the Chattanooga plant.”

It’s true that Corker has been in touch with Volkswagen since he was Chattanooga mayor, and that he is on a first-name basis with VW CEO Martin Winterkorn. But VW appears to want the UAW to win, and Corker may have violated U.S. labor laws by attempting to intimidate workers into voting against the UAW. Certainly, his comments have drawn unflattering national attention to the push by Republicans and outside conservative groups to quash the unionization bid.

This is the strongest card that the anti-union side has. The billboards warning that unionization will turn Chattanooga into a postindustrial wasteland — example: “Detroit: Brought to you by the UAW” — don’t pass the laugh test. But strongly suggesting that the UAW will kill your livelihood (the Chattanooga plant probably needs a second line of cars to make it) certainly gets workers’ attention.

But it’s not a very persuasive argument. VW wants to set up a “works council” at the plant — like those at every VW plant except Chattanooga’s and two in China — and in order to do that under U.S. law, the Tennessee workers have to have a union. The UAW has agreed to cede significant negotiating power to the works council, a body composed of management and white- and blue-collar workers. VW considers such councils a competitive advantage, because they encourage productivity and strengthen coordination between workers and their corporate bosses. (For an explainer on works councils, which are widespread in Europe, click here.)

The Puebla plant in Mexico has a works council, and it’s unionized.

As soon as the votes are counted this weekend, we’ll know which way the VW workers decided to go with unionization. My guess is that the annoyance at outside meddling in internal company decisions outweighs the concerns about job security. But if the UAW loses, Corker’s interference might invalidate the vote, setting up a do-over. Furthermore, VW and the pro-union workers won’t change their minds. They will probably get their works council eventually.

The ham-fisted push by Tennessee’s governor, state legislators, and junior U.S. senator has only shown that the heart of the “right to work” South isn’t beating as strong as we all thought. The anti-union side has an unexpected weak spot in European automakers, and didn’t count on union pragmatism. For the embattled UAW and union movement, that’s a big shot of adrenaline and an invitation to come back.

If it turns out that a local auto plant can unionize without sparking catastrophe, well, there are quite a few foreign auto plants in the South. Workers at Nissan plants in Canton, Miss., and Smyrna, Tenn., are currently trying to unionize, despite strong opposition from the Japanese automaker.

"A victory at Volkswagen would signal that the anti-union South — where elected officials have frequently joined with the business community and right-wing organizations to stop workers from organizing — might not be so solid in future years," says Reuters' Logan. “Most importantly, a UAW victory would show that even billionaire anti-union zealots can be beaten.”

Righties and their anti-union dirty tricks have done it again. NO unions at VW Chattanooga. Screw the GOP!!

h/t: Washington Post

May the UAW’s efforts to get VW Chattanooga unionized prevail!! 

H/T: John Logan at Reuters

This week—from Wednesday through Friday—employees at Volkswagen’s factory in Chattanooga, Tennessee may well make history. Actually, they may make it twice.
If a majority of the roughly 1,500 workers vote to recognize the United Auto Workers as their union, their plant will become the first unionized auto factory in the South. It will also become the first American workplace of any kind to have a works council—a consultative body of employees who regularly meet with management to jointly develop policy on such work-related issues as shifts, the best way to use new machinery, and kindred concerns. Mandated by law in Germany, works councils do not bargain over wages and benefits, but they do provide a way in which workers can have input into policies that affect their lives. They also have led to countless productivity increases in German manufacturing.

The vote at Volkswagen marks the latest stage in the UAW’s decades-long campaign to organize auto plants in the South. In recent decades, a host of foreign carmakers—not just Volkswagen but BMW, Nissan, Toyota, and others—have built factories in the right-to-work states of the old Confederacy. For these companies, going South was a two-fer—it enabled them to produce for the American market on American soil, and it ensured that the prospects of unionizing their workers were slim.
The increasing numbers of lower-wage autoworkers eventually took a toll on the wages of unionized workers as well. To stay competitive, the Detroit Three (GM, Ford, and Chrysler) insisted that new hires receive lower pay—no matter how long they worked at the company—than veteran hire, and as the companies’ market share declined, the UAW felt compelled to take the deal. (Now that the Detroit Three have returned to profitability, the union is demanding the companies lift that ceiling.) Auto workers’ incomes tanked. As Steven Rattner, the former head of the Obama Administration’s 2009 task force that restructured GM and Chrysler, has written, wages for all American auto workers have declined by 11 percent since the recovery began in 2009.

For the UAW, organizing the non-union plants in the South understandably became a matter of life or death. With its membership reduced to about 400,000 from a 1979 peak of 1.5 million (and with many of those 400,000 not even working in the auto industry), the UAW began to execute a turnaround in 2010 by electing longtime union officer Bob King as its president. Since he took the union’s helm, King has waged a smart and tenacious campaign to bring the union to Dixie.

King, and his predecessors as UAW president, realized how completely out-of-sync the labor practices of German and Japanese corporations in the South were with their labor practices in their respective homelands. All these companies’ plants were unionized at home, and management there had never opposed unions’ right to represent their workers. Japanese manufacturers had historically offered their employees lifetime guarantees of employment—something they never even mentioned when they opened up shop in the South. The German manufacturers not only consulted with their employees in their works councils, but by law were required to divide their corporate boards evenly between management and worker representatives (though the CEO from the management side could break tie votes).

When German and Japanese automakers opened plants in Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Tennessee, however, they went native. Their managers ferociously opposed workers’ attempts to form unions in the time-honored manner of good-ol’-boy Southern bosses. Workers involved in organizing campaigns were illegally fired, unions were (legally) denied access to workers when they were at the plant and to their addresses so that they’d be harder to locate in their homes. Management practices that would be scandalous in Germany and Japan were everyday occurrences in the companies’ American factories.


In the U.S., bodies such as works councils are prohibited by the National Labor Relations Act unless the workers have a union. That’s because when the NLRA was drafted in 1935, the nation was only half-a-decade removed from the company-dominated unions of the 1920s, in which workers were enrolled in organizations—much like those in China today—which were labeled unions but which management controlled. The NLRA was drafted to prohibit this from happening henceforth, and most labor-management bodies that had effect over things like work rules were put off limits unless the worker representatives were chosen democratically by the workers themselves—that is, by the workers forming unions and electing their union reps.

Once Volkswagen went on record as desiring a works council in Chattanooga, then, U.S. law stipulated that only by voting in a union could its workers form such a council. The UAW circulated affiliation cards among the plant’s workers, and a majority of its workers signed them. Critics of unionization—not, for once, company management, but such leading Tennessee Republicans such as Senators Lamar Alexander and Bob Corker and Governor Bill Haslam, and such institutional union opponents as the National Right to Work Committee—insisted that card-check wasn’t sufficient, and the workers will vote in a National Labor Relations Board-supervised election later this week. In the past couple weeks, the Right-to-Work Committee and the state’s Republican leaders have repeatedly told workers that a calamity just short of Armageddon awaits if they certify the union and establish a works council.

The Republicans’ and the Right-to-Work Committee’s fears are understandable. For decades, the Southern economy has grown chiefly because it’s been a cheap-labor alternative to the Northeast, Midwest, and West Coast. As American and then foreign companies began their wholesale relocations of plants and businesses to the South in the 1970s, American workers’ wages began to stagnate. Eventually, enough of American business had gone South to bring down incomes in the North—a process that has greatly accelerated since the financial panic of 2008. Indeed, from 2008 to 2011, the hourly wage gap between Midwestern and Southern worker shrank from $7 to $3.34.

If unions get a foothold in the South, Americans’ wages might just start leveling up instead of down. What’s more, if unions grow in the South—a region where the union share of the workforce is scarcely more than 5 percent—then the Southern states might see their political balance of power altered. Southern states might start enrolling their voluminous numbers of the poor in programs like Medicaid and passing minimum-wage statutes of their own. And if the UAW wins in Chattanooga, the United States will be able to see how a works council—one of the institutions that’s been key to Germany’s enduring economic successes—works on American soil.

I surely hope the workers at VW Chattanooga vote YES to unionization.

h/t: Harold Meyerson at Talking Union

H/T: Steven Greenhouse at the New York Times


Another great win emerges from autoworkers and industry collaboration. General Motors Co. (GM) will invest more than $1.3 billion to upgrade and expand five manufacturing plants in Michigan, Ohio and Indiana that also will create or retain more than 1,000 jobs, GM and the UAW announced Monday.

UAW Vice President Joe Ashton, who represents GM workers, calls the investments a “win for American workers.” He says:

The UAW is proud to be a part of this successful collaboration with GM that has helped rebuild the nation’s economy, created good paying, union jobs in communities across the country and brought manufacturing that was moved overseas back to the United States. This is further proof that collective bargaining works.

In 2011, when the UAW negotiated new contracts with the Big Three automakers, the union won commitments from General MotorsFord and Chrysler to invest more than $27.3 billion in their plants, creating 20,000 new jobs at the three automakers and thousands more in the industries that are part of the auto manufacturing supply chain.

At the ceremony at GM’s Flint, Mich., truck assembly plant announcing the investment, GM North America President Mark Reuss told the cheering workers:

These investments are a sign of our confidence in our workforce and our UAW partners that have given and tried so hard and in our vehicles and the continued demand for excellence in each one of these products. You earned this.

Since the auto industry was on the verge of collapse during the Bush recession, car makers and the UAW have worked closely in forging a partnership that was instrumental in securing the financing in 2008 and 2009 that kept the industry alive. Working together not only kept the auto industry afloat and saved tens of thousands of jobs, the negotiated investments like Monday’s GM announcement have opened the doors to good middle-class jobs.

Ashton notes that while income disparity grows in the country and the middle class declines, collective bargaining has created a ladder to the middle class for millions of America’s workers.

This announcement today is further proof that collaboration and collective bargaining works and will continue to be the way that we rebuild America’s middle class.

At the Flint ceremony, Barry Campbell, chairman of UAW Local 598, said he was “proud to pay my union dues, and this is just a great example why.”

GM’s nearly $1.3 billion investment includes:

  • $600 million in Flint Assembly for facility upgrades.
  • $493.4 million in Romulus (Mich.) Powertrain Operations.
  • $121 million in Detroit-Hamtramck Assembly for a logistics optimization center.
  • $30.6 million in Toledo Transmission Operations for increased capacity for an existing six-speed transmission.
  • $29.2 million in Bedford (Ind.) Castings, which includes $22.6 million to produce components for transmissions.

For more on the success of the labor-management partnerships in the auto industry, read Labor Secretary Thomas Perez’s recent article on the UAW and Ford working together. Perez says that is just one example of how:

Across the country, creative labor-management partnerships are saving and creating jobs, keeping businesses competitive, growing the middle class and helping more Americans climb ladders of opportunity.

Reposted from AFL-CIO NOW

When we think of the American South, we don’t typically think of an organized labor stronghold. Despite aggressive right-to-work laws and anti-union politicians, the labor movement is making serious strides below the Mason-Dixon line.

In fact, Volkswagen employees at a plant in Chattanooga may soon choose union representation with the United Autoimage Workers and gain a seat on VW’s Global Works Council.

Unsurprisingly, the opposition to the VW-UAW talks and the workers’ right to organize has been quite vocal.

The decision to organize belongs to the VW workers themselves, and they should be able to make that choice without undue pressure from shadowy special interests. The right of men and women to freely choose to form a union is protected by federal law — and that right needs to be protected.

Ultimately, the workers in Chattanooga make the decision whether to have union representation and a council, and the UAW announced in September that a majority of VW workers had already signed union cards. But as so often is the case when workers demonstrate interest in a union, anti-worker ideologues make it their businessimage to impede the internal business operations and labor relations of companies.

The anti-union sect appears to be motivated by the concern that once one Southern auto plant organizes, it would create a domino effect of workers organizing in the South, particularly at the nearby Nissan plant in Canton, Miss., and at Mercedes-Benz in Vance, Ala.

What is everyone really afraid of? Economic growth, job creation and collaborative labor relations in Tennessee?

As a Michigan native and former elected official, I’ve seen firsthand how workers and the UAW came together to support the economy and create auto manufacturing job opportunities. The UAW played a central role in restructuring the domestic auto industry during the nation’s economic collapse in 2009, saving millions of direct jobs and hundreds of thousands of jobs supported by the auto industry.

Following the recession, we saw collaborative negotiations in 2011 between the UAW and automakers garnering a combined $23.7 billion that Chrysler, GM, and Ford committed to invest in U.S. plants, creating 20,000 new jobs at the domestic automakers and thousands more in jobs that support the auto industry in communities across the country.

If workers secureimage formal representation with the UAW at the Chattanooga plant, it would result in a voice on the job and a stake in building the company’s future together. And yes, it could represent a turning tide in the South.

Despite persistent, deep-seeded anti-unionism that may persist in that region, it’s the workers at Southern plants like Volkswagen who can build a new kind of collaborative relationship with their employers — and set a new expectation for foreign companies trying to operate in the United States. A successful union VW plant in Chattanooga will expose the fallacy of the anti-union rhetoric on which union-busters have come to rely.

Union representation is ultimately about what’s best for the workplace. Outside special-interest groups should resist the temptation to flex their influence on this effort and leave the choice up to the workers themselves.

David Bonior was a member of the U.S. House of representatives from 1976 to 2003. He is the former board chairman of the nonprofit American Rights at Work. He serves on the board of directors of Jobs With Justice.



Mitt and Ann Romney may have earned between $15 million and $115 million from the auto bailout, but failing to report the windfall in his federal Candidate Disclosure Form may very well be a violation of the law.

Last week a formal complaint was filed with the Federal Office of Government Ethics by Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), the United Auto Workers (UAW), along with other labor and nonpartisan watchdog groups.

In short, the allegations concern Delphi, a former General Motors subsidiary whose auto parts remain essential to GM’s production lines.

Back in 2009, Ann Romney partnered with Paul Singer to secretly purchase controlling interest in Delphi.  [Bear in mind that billionaire Singer is one of Mitt Romney’s key campaign donors.] Elliot Management, Singer’s hedge fund, then threatened to cut off GM’s supply of steering columns and other key auto components unless GM, along with the government’s TARP auto bail-out fund provided them with large payments.  The United States Treasury complained that this was “extortion”, but Delphi ultimately received $12.9 billion in taxpayer generated subsidies as no bailout of the auto industry could have worked without saving Delphi.  Singer’s group then eliminated every UAW job in the company and then moved nearly its entire production operation to China and Mexico where Delphi now employes 25,000 auto parts workers at the expense of about that same number of jobs in the USA.  [These allegations are particularly noteworthy considering the lies spread and later debunked by the auto industry itself, Detroit media the campaign misquoted, the Obama campaign and Pres. Bill Clinton.  See Romney Called Out By Auto Industry, the Obama Campaign and Bill Clinton for Lying]

The resulting windfall for the Romneys means that shares Ann purchased for 67 cents are now worth over $30 for a 4 thousand percent gain earning the Romneys tens of millions of dollars.  Additionally, one cannot forget billionaire Paul Singer who was identified by Forbes as one of Romney’s key campaign donors, Singer has given more than $1 million to the Romney SuperPAC known as Restore Our Future.

The UAW complaint calls for Romney to reveal exactly how much he made off Delphi — and continues to make.

At a press conference last week in Toledo, Bob King,  President of the United Automobile Workers, announced that his union and Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) have filed a formal complaint with the US Office of Government Ethics in Washington stating that Gov. Romney improperly hid a profit of $15.3 million to $115.0 million in Ann Romney’s so-called “blind” trust.


The United Auto Workers (UAW), the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), and other groups plan to file an ethics complaint against Mitt Romney for allegedly failing to disclose his profits from the auto bailout, the UAW has told The Huffington Post.

The groups are calling for an investigation by the U.S. Office of Government Ethics to investigate Romney’s alleged violation of the Ethics in Government Act, which requires presidential candidates to disclose their personal finances. The ethics complaint comes on the heels of an Oct. 17 article in The Nation, which alleged that Romney has hidden his personal gains of at least $15.3 million from the auto bailout.

"He made his fortune off the misfortune of others," Bob King, president of the UAW, told The Huffington Post on Wednesday. "Why should we have to find out from the media about this?"

The Romney campaign could not be immediately reached for comment.

The allegations are ironic given that Romney has been a staunch critic of the auto bailout. Romney called for the government to let the auto industry go bankrupt in an op-ed in The New York Times in 2008. The Romney campaign also released a misleading ad in October that claims Chrysler has moved all production of Jeeps to China following the auto bailout.

Romney and his wife allegedly made millions from the auto bailout through their investments in the hedge fund Elliott Management, which held a stake in the auto bailout recipient Delphi Automotive, according to The Nation. 

H/T: Huffington Post